This fact is important to libraries of all types as we think about library collections, services and staff. We know from research and from phenomena all around us that when people see themselves positively reflected in film, books, social media, news, music, theater, that those cultural memory institutions grow in their perceived relevance and significance to their communities Downing, ; Tillson, Marley was only ten years old when she launched her movement to donate books to girls of African descent that featured African American female protagonists because not one of her required school readings featured Black girls as main characters Grassroots Community Foundation, The We Need More Diverse Books movement has raised awareness and in recent years the number of published diverse books has increased substantially.
In fact, during the 60s and 70s, race-mixing was a highly taboo topic, and we remember believing we were anomalies among humans—isolated and alone in our thoughts of how we were experiencing the world. Not only was claiming a mixed-race identity largely taboo; there was a strong bias against mixed-race people who were often both pitied and shunned.
It was not until Loving v. Virginia, the Supreme Court case of that ruled anti-miscegenation laws at the state level unconstitutional that Americans could freely marry across race in all fifty states although Alabama kept their anti-miscegenation law on the books until And the years following it brought many, many more movies and television series featuring interracial couples and multiracial people into production.
The growth of reality tv programming increased representation that was more representative American culture. In recent decades, this is a population that has blossomed, begun claiming a new identity, and demanding change in perception and policy.
I really felt really accepted and loved for the first time. I think I kind of really grew up as a chameleon and I learned how to code switch and communicate with a lot of different people when I was really young. But I think it does come with a cost. I am a mix of Brazilian and Lebanese descent. I think my identity is very much like a Venn diagram, where I keep moving around those various circles and the overlap keeps changing all the time.
The one thing I have kept constant is some sense of mixedness. If I have to put myself in a commonly recognized box, it would be Latino. I grew up in inner-city Philly, in a predominantly Black and Latino neighborhood. I very much connected to those communities and those cultures and tried to do everything to highlight my Latino-ness — from clothes to manner of speech.
My father being Lebanese, I think he experienced some prejudices when he moved to the country, given the long history with our region, and was never eager for me to play up that part of my heritage and culture. As I got older and progressed into the engineering world, I sort of shifted.
That was probably the first time I was in a very white-dominant setting. I did a lot of stuff to play my Latinoness down until I left for the social impact field where I thought I could sort of reconnect with the Latino pieces of me.
Like you want to be comfortable with me in a certain box. It makes me feel like a blank slate sometimes. I identify proudly as a multiracial woman and as a woman of color. This is because the world sees me as a woman of color. I am Filipino, I am white.
I just know I feel at home in the Filipino community with my Filipino family. Each of our own experiences is incredibly unique, depending on who we are raised by, where we were raised, how we look. I also wish people would stop portraying mixed people as so tragic.
It almost seemed like they were putting it out there as a cautionary tale about having multiracial children. I absolutely would not change being mixed for the world. Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment: to empower through understanding.
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By choosing I Accept , you consent to our use of cookies and other tracking technologies. Reddit Pocket Flipboard Email. First Person The helplessness of being an Afghanistan War vet. First Person My nemesis, the piano. Identities The complicated reality of doing what you love. Sign up for the newsletter Sign up for The Weeds Get our essential policy newsletter delivered Fridays. Thanks for signing up! Our defined multiracial group includes people who indicate that they, their parents or their grandparents are of Hispanic or Latino origin, as long as they also select two or more census races.
In addition to looking at the broader group of multiracial adults, we analyze subsets of this group. For example, we look at the following biracial groups: white and black, white and Asian, white and American Indian, and black and American Indian. At times, we may also look at all multiracial adults with a black or Asian background, for example, regardless of what other races are included in their background, and compare them to single-race blacks or Asians, respectively. These biracial and multiracial subgroups, as well as the single-race groups, exclude Hispanics.
In our survey, for example, roughly two-thirds of Hispanics say being Hispanic is part of their racial background. With that in mind, a separate part of our analysis includes an expanded definition of multiracial that includes Hispanics who report one census race for themselves, their parents and their grandparents and also say they consider being Hispanic part of their racial background. Chapter 7 of this report focuses on the experiences and attitudes of multiracial Hispanics, using both the census-based and the expanded definitions.
While these views are broadly shared by each of the five biggest multiracial groups, the large proportion of white and Asian biracial adults who see their racial background as an advantage stands out. In the other four groups, only about one-in-four or fewer say their racial heritage has been as helpful.
This contrast further sharpens when white and Asian biracial Americans are compared with single-race whites and Asians. Mixed-race adults often straddle two or more worlds, and their experiences and relationships reflect that.
For biracial adults who are white or black and American Indian, their connections with the white or black community are often stronger than the ones they feel toward Native Americans; about one-in-four or fewer in each group say they have a lot in common with American Indians. Other survey findings suggest these differences may slow the development of a multiracial group identity similar to the sense of linked fate and shared experience that unites many blacks and other minority groups.
As a group, mixed-race adults are much more likely than all married adults to have a spouse or partner who is also multiracial, the survey finds. Mixed-race adults are more likely than the general public to have friends who are multiracial. Overall, the politics of multiracial Americans resemble the country as a whole. But just as the country is a mix of individuals and groups with different party preferences and ideological leanings, multiracial Americans are likewise politically diverse.
Multiracial Americans with a black background favor the Democratic Party, similar to the party preferences of single-race blacks. The sample of single-race Native Americans was too small to analyze. The remainder of this report examines in greater detail the attitudes, experiences and demographics of multiracial Americans. Chapter 1 traces the history of efforts by the U. Census Bureau to measure race and reports on the latest government estimates of the size of the multiracial population.
Chapter 3 describes how multiracial adults see their own racial identity and how they believe others see their racial background. Chapter 5 describes the social connections of multiracial Americans, including how much mixed-race adults say they have in common with other races and how accepted they feel by different racial groups. Chapter 6 examines the party preferences and political ideology of multiracial adults as well as their views on abortion, aid to the poor, marijuana legalization and other issues.
Chapter 7 reports on the elements of Hispanic identity and the percentage of Hispanics who consider their Hispanic background to be, at least in part, their race. It also explores an expanded definition of multiracial adults that includes Hispanics who are one race but say they consider their Hispanic background to be part of their racial background. Unless otherwise noted, survey results based on all multiracial adults include Hispanics who are two or more races.
Single-race whites, blacks and Asians include only non-Hispanics. In the analysis of multiracial subgroups based on census data in Chapter 1 , Hispanics are included. Alaska Natives are included among those with some American Indian background in the survey analysis.
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